Does Zimbabwe Need Electoral Reforms or Political Resolve? Fixing the System or Fixing the Will?
- Taona Ernest Mwanyisa
- Aug 21
- 3 min read

Since the disputed 2023 elections, there has been robust debate over the urgent need to reform Zimbabwe’s electoral processes. The controversy surrounding the conduct and results of those elections has led many to argue that a comprehensive overhaul of the country’s electoral architecture is essential for delivering credible outcomes in the future. While some contend that reforms are so vital the 2028 elections should be postponed to accommodate sweeping changes, others caution that participation without genuine reforms will only perpetuate a cycle of mistrust and disputed results.
To meet both public and international expectations, Zimbabwe’s electoral reform agenda should centre on several key pillars. First, the alignment of electoral laws with the 2013 Constitution is foundational, harmonizing the statutory framework and enforcing constitutional guarantees on political rights and neutrality, including ensuring that traditional leaders remain apolitical and impartial. Beyond legal alignment, broadening electoral inclusion and representation through reforms that extend voting rights to diaspora citizens and eliminate barriers that marginalize minority groups would ensure equal participation for all Zimbabweans. Steps to improve parliamentary inclusivity would additionally enhance legitimacy and bring diverse perspectives to the centre of national governance.
The Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC) stands as the linchpin of public trust in the election process. Strengthening ZEC’s independence, transparency, and accountability should be achieved through legal requirements for the publication of voter registration data, clear boundary delimitation criteria, transparent decision-making, and regular public engagement through hearings and feedback channels. Mandating independent audits and setting up complaints mechanisms would further fortify ZEC’s credibility. Expanding its legislative authority to make regulations without ministerial approval and to enforce electoral standards would help ensure it functions as a truly autonomous body.
Equally critical is boosting the credibility and accessibility of the voters’ roll. Legislation that facilitates independent audits and the publication of registration data in accessible formats will empower citizens, political parties, and civil society to oversee the process and foster trust. Embedding these transparency and accountability safeguards is as much a confidence-building measure as a technical necessity.
Boundary delimitation presents another significant challenge. To guard against malapportionment and gerrymandering, Zimbabwe must enact legal safeguards and promote transparent, consultative processes. These reforms should aim to meet both African Union (AU) and Southern African Development Community (SADC) electoral standards, which emphasize impartiality and fairness in representation. Drawing on best practices from regional peers such as Kenya’s IEBC and South Africa’s Municipal Demarcation Board, Zimbabwe would greatly benefit from a permanent, independent Delimitation Commission tasked with stewarding boundary changes in a professional, non-partisan manner. However, it has been argued elsewhere that the mandate for boundary delimitation should remain the preserve of the ZEC. Transferring responsibility to another entity without addressing the trust issues will not help build a transparent boundary delimitation process.
A transparent, reliable system for the transmission and announcement of election results is vital for pre-empting disputes and validating outcomes. Overhauling these procedures to enable real-time publication of polling station level results, in alignment with the recommendations of the Motlanthe Commission, will foster greater confidence and credibility. Rigorous protections for observers and party agents are necessary to guarantee their independence and safety during results management.
Swift and impartial resolution mechanisms for electoral disputes are equally indispensable. Empowering ZEC with an independent investigative unit and strengthening Multi-Party Liaison Committees would enhance accountability and peaceful conflict management. Expanding civic and voter education beyond event driven campaigns to create a continuous learning environment, involving diverse stakeholders and incorporating civic instruction into schools, is crucial for nurturing long-term democratic engagement.
Ultimately, successful reform depends not just on the adoption of new laws and procedures but on broad based participation from Parliament, civil society organizations, the media, legal bodies, and independent commissions. A coordinated working group can drive dialogue and implementation, while civil society and Parliament must maintain electoral reform as a priority for Zimbabwe’s developmental agenda.
Yet, the effectiveness of these reforms hinges on the political will to implement and uphold their provisions. Zimbabwe’s legal electoral framework, on paper, is not fundamentally flawed, rather, inconsistency in enforcement and a tendency to only superficially enact reforms undermine credibility. There must be a genuine commitment from Zimbabwe’s political leadership, matched by strong, independent institutions capable of actualizing reform. Without this political will and institutional strength, even the best-designed reforms risk falling short of their promise.
Therefore, the most pressing question facing Zimbabwe is not simply whether electoral reforms are needed, but whether there exists the political will and institutional resolve to see those reforms through. Only with this can Zimbabwe achieve the credible, transparent, and inclusive elections its citizens deserve.




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